PDF(2597 KB)
Post-suburbanization in Qingpu New Town: Process and formation mechanism
WANG Shaobo, LUO Xiaolong, TANG Mi
Journal of Geographical Sciences ›› 2023, Vol. 33 ›› Issue (7) : 1461-1481.
PDF(2597 KB)
PDF(2597 KB)
Post-suburbanization in Qingpu New Town: Process and formation mechanism
({{custom_author.role_en}}), {{javascript:window.custom_author_en_index++;}}Under the wave of globalization, some cities in China, especially the so-called “megacities” are entering or have already entered the stage of post-suburbanization. The study places Shanghai suburbs in the post-suburbanization landscape and takes Qingpu New Town as an example to systematically analyze the development and formation mechanism of post-suburbanization spaces. This study reveals the features of the post-suburbanization in China as follows. Firstly, In China, post-suburbanization is achieved based on industrialization as well as on the promotion of urbanization. Although urbanization has strengthened other functions of suburban spaces aside from living and production, the production attributes of suburbs remain stable. Secondly, post-suburbanization space with the new town as the development model is an important path for a new round of suburban space growth, it has expanded the space for capital accumulation in metropolitan areas, thus promoting the possibility of reorganizing economic activities within metropolitan areas. At the same time, it focuses on the integration of industries and cities, and the simultaneous development of urbanization and industrialization. In turn, this promotes the accumulation of capital centered on the urban environment and manufacturing production. Furthermore, China’s special institutional circumstance enables its government to organize various actors to form a growth alliance, which will act together in the production of post-suburbanization space.
post-suburbanization / space production / Qingpu New Town / mechanism / urban expansion {{custom_keyword}} /
Table 1 The evolution of policy space in Shanghai |
| Policy document or event | Key policy directions | Key support areas |
|---|---|---|
| 1959 “Shanghai Urban Master Plan” | Compress old urban areas, control suburbs, and develop satellite cities | Industrial zones: Minhang, Pengpu; Wujing, Taopu, Gaoqiao; Wusong; Wujing; Anting; Songjiang; Zhoupu, Yangsi, Qingning Temple Satellite cities: Jiading, Anting, Songjiang, Minhang, Wujing, Wenzaobang |
| 1965 “Sketches of the Third and Five-Year Construction of Shanghai City” | Fundamentally changed the development pattern of Shanghai’s single central city | Satellite cities: Minhang, Wujing, Jiading, Anting, Songjiang |
| In 1971, the Ministry of Petrochemicals selected a site in Jinshanwei, Shanghai | The petrochemical department selects a site in Jinshanwei, Shanghai | Satellite City: Jinshanwei |
| 1977 “Baoshan Iron and Steel Plant Peripheral Project and Baoshan Area Planning” | Ministry of Metallurgical Industry decides to build a large steel base in coastal areas | Satellite City: Baoshan |
| 1986 “Shanghai Urban Master Plan” | Build and transform the central city, enrich and develop satellite cities, develop the “two wings” step by step, and build small towns in suburban counties in a planned way | Satellite cities: Wujing, Minhang, Jiading, Anting, Songjiang, Jinshan, Wusong-Baoshan Small towns: Xinzhuang, Qingpu, Zhujing, Huinan, Chengqiao, Nanqiao |
| “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (1986-2000)” | Completion of the basic layout of the industrial park | Industrial parks: Wujing, Wusong, Beixinjing, Taopu, Songjiang, Minhang, Caohejing |
| In 1990, the development strategy of Pudong | The urban development pattern of Shanghai changed from north to south to east simultaneously | Pudong New Area |
| “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (1999-2020)” | Clarified the urban system of central city-new town, county town-central town-market town-central village | New town: Jiading, Nanhui Huinan, Jinshan, Songjiang, Chongming New Bridge, Qingpu |
Table 2 Overview of Qingpu New Town planning |
| Document | Range | Area | Population size |
|---|---|---|---|
| “Shanghai Qingpu New Town Urban Master Plan 2003-2020” | North to Shangda River, south to Huqingping Expressway, east to Youdun Port, west to West Daying Port, mainly involving Qingpu urban area | Covering an area of 26.8 km2, construction land is 20.63 km2 | 25 ten thousand |
| “Shanghai Qingpu New Town Urban Master Plan 2005-2020” | Starts from Youdun Port in the east, Huqingping Expressway in the south, Fuxing Road in the west, and Shangda River in the north, including the existing urban area of Qingpu, the extension area to the west and Zhujiajiao Township. | Covering an area of 53.8 km2, construction land is 44.26 km2 | 50 ten thousand |
| “Shanghai Qingpu New Town Urban Master Plan 2009-2020” | Expand the western boundary of the new town to the east bank of Dianshan Lake, and integrate Qingpu Industrial Park into the new city as a whole in the north. | Covering an area of 119 km2, construction land is 87 km2 | 70 ten thousand |
Table 3 Comparison of different characteristics of post-suburbanization between China and Western countries |
| Dimension | China | Western countries |
|---|---|---|
| Spatial utilization | The production function of the suburbs is still stable | Experienced the rise of the service industry under the de-industrialization |
| Social space | The phenomenon of mixed living of diverse groups is more obvious | Mainly consists of the middle class |
| Driving force | A growth alliance is formed by multiple forces under the leadership of the government | Market and society play a relatively large role |
| Relationship between suburbs and central urban areas | Coordinated development | Accompanied by the decline of central urban areas and the disintegration of functional centers |
| [1] |
Patterns of metropolitan suburbanization were analyzed for 51 large metropolitan areas. Migration data indicate that suburban population growth attributed to in-migration from outside the metropolitan area is substantially greater, on average, than that attributed to city-to-suburb migration. Distinguishing between these sources of suburban population growth, significant associations were found between metropolitan suburbanization and central-city hardship conditions. The results support the notion of a complementary relationship between central cities and suburbs and argue for more aggressive intervention in support of central cities and greater cooperation between central cities and suburbs in matters of regional development policies.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [2] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [3] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [4] |
This article argues that urban spatial expansion results mainly from three powerful forces: a growing population, rising incomes, and falling commuting costs. Urban growth occurring purely in response to these fundamental forces cannot be faulted as socially undesirable, but three market failures may distort their operation, upsetting the allocation of land between agricultural and urban uses and justifying criticism of urban sprawl. These are the failure to account for the benefits of open space, excessive commuting because of a failure to account for the social costs of congestion, and failure to make new development pay for the infrastructure costs it generates. Precise remedies for these market failures are two types of development taxes and congestion tolls levied on commuters. Each of these remedies leads to a reduction in the spatial size of the city.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [5] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [6] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [7] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [8] |
In today’s world, the innovation of science and technology has become the key support for improving comprehensive national strength and changing the mode of social production and lifestyle. The country that possesses world-class scientific and technological innovation cities maximizes the attraction of global innovation factors and wins a strategic initiative in international competition. Based on the urban zip code geodatabase, an evaluation system of urban innovation with the perspective of innovation outputs, and the spatial evolutionary mode, concerning the structure of innovation space of Shanghai and Beijing from 1991 to 2014, was developed. The results of the research indicated that the zip code geodatabase provided a new perspective for studying the evolving spatial structure of urban innovation. The resulting evaluation of the spatial structure of urban innovation using the urban zip code geodatabase established by connecting random edge points, was relatively effective. The study illustrates the value of this methodology. During the study period, the spatial structure of innovation of Shanghai and Beijing demonstrated many common features: with the increase in urban space units participating in innovation year by year, the overall gap of regional innovation outputs has narrowed, and the trend towards spatial agglomeration has strengthened. The evolving spatial structure of innovation of Shanghai and Beijing demonstrated differences between the common features during the 25 years as well: in the trend towards the suburbanization of innovation resources, the spatial structure of innovation of Shanghai evolved from a single-core to a multi-core structure. A radiation effect related to traffic arteries as spatial diffusion corridors was prominent. Accordingly, a spatial correlation effect of its innovation outputs also indicated a hollowness in the city center; the spatial structure of innovation of Beijing had a single-core oriented structure all the way. Together with the tendency for innovation resources to be agglomerated in the city center, the spatial correlation effect of innovation outputs reflected the characteristics of the evolutionary feature where “rural area encircles cities”. The innovation spatial structure of Shanghai and Beijing have intrinsic consistency with the spatial structure of their respective regions (Yangtze River Delta urban agglomeration and Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei metropolitan region), which suggested that the principle of proportional and disproportional distribution of a city-scale pattern of technological and innovational activities is closely related to its regional innovation pattern. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [9] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [10] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [11] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [12] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [13] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [14] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [15] |
New town or new area construction is an important means to promote new rural industrialization and urbanization strategy, which promotes spatial and function restructuring. The production of space provides an important perspective for new town or new area study in period of social-economic transition. Pudong new district (PND) of Shanghai was chosen as the study area to build a theoretical analysis framework of power, capital, and production of space. On this basis, we analyzed the process and mechanism of production of space in PND. The results show that PND was undergoing the conceived space and industrial space production processes, and now it is turning into consumption space. Growth coalition between local government and enterprises plays a crucial role. The influence of residents on production of space gradually grows. Power promotes production of space via institutional environment, guidance of planning, infrastructure construction, and political elite influence. Domestic and foreign capital promotes production of space rapidly. Faced with the change of space requirement, enterprises and residents reshape conceived space which is mainly controlled by the government. All of these have changed the social and economic structure in PND. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [16] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [17] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [18] |
With the introduction of the concept of land use transition into China, related researches have been carried out extensively in the past two decades, which enrich the knowledge of land system science. This paper describes the development of research on land use transitions in China from the perspectives of conceptual connotations, theoretical model, research methods, and research progress and prospects. With the in-depth investigation of land use transitions, the concept and connotations of land use morphology are developed and encapsulated as two kinds, i.e., dominant morphology and recessive morphology. The dominant morphology refers to the land use structure of a certain region over a certain period of time, with features such as the quantity and spatial pattern of land use types. While the recessive morphology includes the land use features in the aspects of quality, property rights, management mode, input, output and function. Accordingly, the concept of land use transition is further developed, and the theoretical model of regional land use transitions is established. Thereafter, three innovative integrated approaches to study land use transitions are put forward, i.e., multidisciplinary research framework for recessive land use transition, transect and horizontal comparison. To date, there have been 62 Ph.D. and 166 M.S. dissertations on the topic of “land use transition” in China. During 2002-2019, the National Natural Science Foundation of China has funded 48 research programs on the theme of “land use transition”. As such, the Chinese scholars have adapted the concept derived from western literature to the situations and experiences in China. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [19] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [20] |
Over the past three decades, research in urban politics or increasingly urban governance reveals a landscape powerfully reflecting what might now be defined as a post-political consensus. Following a waning of the community power, urban managerialist and collective consumption debates, this ‘new urban politics’ has appeared conspicuously absorbed with analysing a purported consensus around economic growth alongside a proliferation of entrepreneurially oriented governing regimes. More recent contributions, acknowledging the role of the state and governmentalities of criminal justice, uncover how downtown renaissance is inscribed through significant land privatisations and associated institutionalised expressions like Business Improvement Districts and other ‘primary definers’ of ‘public benefit’: all choreographed around an implicit consensus to ‘police’ the circumspect city, while presenting as ultra-politics anything that might disturb the strict ethics of consumerist citizenship. Beyond downtown, a range of shadow governments, secessionary place-makings and privatisms are remaking the political landscape of post-suburbia. It is contended that the cumulative effect of such metropolitan splintering may well be overextending our established interpretations of urban landscapes and city politics, prompting non-trivial questions about the precise manner in which political representation, democracy and substantive citizenship are being negotiated across metropolitan regions, from downtown streetscape to suburban doorstep. This paper suggests that recent theorisations on post-democracy and the post-political may help to decode the contemporary landscape of urban politics beyond governance, perhaps in turn facilitating a better investigation of crucial questions over distributional justice and metropolitan integrity.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [21] |
Under the wave of urbanization and modernization, the transformation in space has been a phenomenon of great concern to the academic community. In the process of economic development and spatial evolution of urban historic districts, the introduction of cultural and creative industries has provided a new way for urban renewal and spatial transformation. In addition, research confirmed the role of cultural and creative parks in urban economic development. Therefore, the Chinese government is holding an increasing positive attitude to cultural and creative industries, and local governments have issued corresponding policies to encourage the establishment of cultural and creative parks according to local conditions. The paper uses system dynamics mechanism to construct causal circulation diagrams and analyzes the spatial reproduction process of Beishan community in Zhuhai based on the qualitative material. Consequently, the paper reveals that the dynamics mechanism of Beishan's spatial production consists of five positive feedback loops and one negative feedback loop. Based on this study, recommendations for historic district and the construction of new urbanization are provided. Results indicate that: (1) the government's planning and renovation of backward urban villages and the transfer of residents' space are the beginning of Beishan's spatial reproduction; (2) the entry of cultural entrepreneurs has created new spatial subjects and social relations, renewed and reused the space of historical buildings, and created new cultural and creative space; (3) the diversified tourist perception and media dissemination have reproduced the image of Beishan; (4) the diversification of spatial subjects has built a space in which multiple attributes of Beishan are intermingled, complex and stable, and each interest subject has reached relative balance in the game with compromise. On the basis of loop analysis, the study combines the theory of “triple cycle of capital” and system dynamics model to explore the spatial reproduction mechanism of Beishan community. This study provides a new tool with system foresight for the development and transformation mechanism of the historical district, and provides reference for the development and construction of the new urbanization. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [22] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [23] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [24] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [25] |
Settlements variously termed ‘ex-urbs’, ‘edge cities’, ‘technoburbs’ are taken to signal something different from suburbia and as a consequence might be considered post-suburban. Existing literature has focused on defining post-suburbia as a new era and as a new form of settlement space. Whether post-suburbia can also be delimited in terms of its distinctive politics is the open question explored here. The paper begins by considering the need to make urban political theory more tailored to the different settlements that populate the heavily urbanised regions of nations. The paper stresses the structural properties of capitalism that generate differences within the unity of the urbanisation process. It then discusses what is new about a class of post-suburban settlements, concentrating on what the increasing economic gravity of post-suburbia, the difficulty of bounding post-suburban communities and the continuing role of the state imply for understanding urban politics and the reformulation of urban political theory.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [26] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [27] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [28] |
Despite growing recognition of the important role of cities in economic, political and environmental systems across the world, comparative, global-scale research on cities is severely limited. This paper examines the similarities and differences in urban form and growth that have occurred across 25 mid-sized cities from different geographical settings and levels of economic development. The results reveal four city types: low-growth cities with modest rates of infilling; high-growth cities with rapid, fragmented development; expansive-growth cities with extensive dispersion at low population densities; and frantic-growth cities with extraordinary land conversion rates at high population densities. Although all 25 cities are expanding, the results suggest that cities outside the US do not exhibit the dispersed spatial forms characteristic of American urban sprawl.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [29] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [30] |
The existing literature contextualizes China's suburban growth with market-oriented reform and emphasizes the role of local entrepreneurial government. However, studies on the demand-based factors are still lacking. Drawing upon a random survey undertaken in Songjiang, an outer suburban district of Shanghai, this paper investigates the demand-side driving forces of suburban growth in China: Ie, who the suburban residents are, what has driven them to move to the suburbs, and how their differences have shaped suburban space. With local natives, residents from central districts and migrants from other places as their major resident groups, Chinese suburbs illustrate a case where diverse population and types of development are juxtaposed. While migrants have flocked to the suburbs for employment opportunities, the residential moves of the other two groups, even though in some cases involuntary, are more likely to be associated with consumption considerations. Notably, alongside the emergence of single-family villas and gated communities, the pursuit of suburban living ideals has begun to play a role in China, though it is confined to only a few extremely rich families rather than the masses. In addition, three patterns of suburbs characterized by different types of households and developments—white-collar suburbs, migrant suburbs, and well-planned new towns—are identified.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [31] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [32] |
As well known, sprawl has been the subject of intense criticism. The critical debate began in the United States, where the phenomenon had long existed. More recently, the focus has shifted to include Europe, where sprawl is a relatively new phenomenon. Individual preferences, the increasingly intensive use of automobiles, and market dynamics, are generally considered to be the main causes of sprawl development, in a situation of presumed deregulation and absence of planning. Our impression is that the phenomenon demands a more nuanced reading. Public responsibilities in the creation of certain forms of suburban development should not be forgotten. All of this suggests that possible remedies might be quite different from those typically advocated. In discussing these aspects here, we shall focus above all on the case of Italy. As regards the approach, the article assumes what may be called a neo-institutionalist perspective.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [33] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [34] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [35] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [36] |
Global space is the internal spatial performance, status, and results of urban economy, society and living globalization, and it is also a spatial issue concerning the new phase of the development of Chinese metropolises. The research of its mechanism is conducive to understand the interactive relationship between endogenous factors and exogenous factors in the process of urban development in the era of globalization, especially, the interaction between transnational elements and institutional reforms. Based on the theory of production of space, the relationship of transnational elements, institution unbinding and production of global space has been studied in this paper to analyze the mechanism mode of state power, local government and transnational capital in the production of global space, taking Tianhebei in Guangzhou as a case. The data have been collected through the mutual support method of field trip, questionnaire survey, in-depth interview and online public opinion. There are three main conclusions obtained as follows: (1) Transnational capital of Tianhebei's global space is involved in the process of progressive institution reform promoted by the state government, and formed a 'management, coordinate and collaboration' correlation with the government, which is a mode for production of space of national globalism. (2) The cultural symbol of Tianhebei global consumerism has been generated by festivals, major events, and transnational professional class, which lead to the transnational social production of space. (3) The global space of Tianhebei has been through several spatial reconstructions including delocalization, transnationalization, globalization and relocalization. These reconstructions are not only a process of political production of space, but also instrumental production of space. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [37] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [38] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [39] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [40] |
Urban villages, namely villages encircled by urban environments, are unique phenomena that proliferated during China’s rapid urbanization process, as well as important development issues for many Chinese cities at present. This article focuses on two planning approaches for urban villages, dominated by the government’s uniform and formal planning and villagers’ spontaneous and informal planning practices, aiming to examine which planning approach is more conducive to urban village development. The two planning approaches for urban villages have simultaneously appeared in Hangzhou, a Chinese metropolis with a combination of high-speed economic growth, a unique geological environment, and a long cultural history, providing appropriate comparative study cases for this research. Two urban villages, Luojiazhuang and Yangjiapailou, located in plain and hilly areas in Hangzhou, respectively, and developed through the two planning approaches were selected as study cases. Primary data were collected based on field investigations, semi-structured interviews, and questionnaire surveys. The villagers’ rental income, shopkeepers’ business benefits, and tenants’ residential satisfaction were investigated to compare the development of the two urban villages. Results indicate that compared with the formal planning-dominated approach, the informal planning-dominated approach achieves continuously rising rental income, more stable business benefits, and higher residential satisfaction, better suited to urban village development. This study contributes to coordinated urban–rural interaction in the urbanization process and enriches the formality–informality debates from a spatial planning perspective.
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [41] |
Land use intensity quantifies the impacts of human activities on natural ecosystems, which have become the major driver of global environmental change, and thus it serves as an essential measurement for assessing land use sustainability. To date, land-change studies have mainly focused on changes in land cover and their effects on ecological processes, whereas land use intensity has not yet received the attention it deserves and for which spatially-explicit representation studies have only just begun. In this paper, according to the degree and reversibility of surface disturbance by human activities, there are four main classes of land use intensity: artificial land, semi-artificial land, semi-natural land, and natural land. These were further divided into 22 subclasses based on key indicators, such as human population density and the cropping intensity. Land use intensity map of China at a 1-km spatial resolution was obtained based on satellite images and statistical data. The area proportions of artificial land, semi-artificial land, semi-natural land, and natural land were 0.71%, 19.36%, 58.93%, and 21%, respectively. Human and economic carrying capacity increased with the increase of land use intensity. Artificial land supports 24.58% and 35.62% of the total population and GDP, using only 0.71% of the total land, while semi-artificial land supported 58.24% and 49.61% of human population and GDP with 19.36% of China’s total land area. {{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [42] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [43] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| [44] |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
| {{custom_ref.label}} |
{{custom_citation.content}}
{{custom_citation.annotation}}
|
PDF(2597 KB)
Figure 1 Conceptual framework diagramFigure 2 Land use of Qingpu District in 2000Figure 3 Land use of Qingpu District in 2020
Table 1 The evolution of policy space in ShanghaiTable 2 Overview of Qingpu New Town planningFigure 4 The contractual and actual foreign investment in Qingpu DistrictTable 3 Comparison of different characteristics of post-suburbanization between China and Western countries/
| 〈 |
|
〉 |
